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RNI No. 72289/99 Registered No. DL(N)-06/236/2009-11   

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 SOME HAVE BABIES; OTHERS, REGRETS!
 (Part 5)  -
Philip P. Eapen

Author's webpage: http://philip.eapen.googlepages.com

In this series, Philip P. Eapen examines the claim
that the world is over-populated in the
light of biblical, historical, and scientific data


World population reached six billion in the year 1999 and an estimated 83 million people are being added to that number every year since. Population growth was rather slow for most of human history. Famines, war, epidemics and high infant mortality rates ensured that population growth was negligible. Advancement in agriculture, food distribution and trade in the seventeenth century gave rise to a faster population growth in Europe.

The world population reached one billion by the beginning of nineteenth century. During the nineteenth century, Europe’s population doubled; Europeans spilled over to North America, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and other colonies they held in Latin America and Asia. The twentieth century began with a population of 1.7 billion after which world population saw a sudden increase, reaching two billion by 1930, three billion by 1960, four billion by 1974, five billion by 1986, and six billion by 1999.

The current distribution of world population clearly shows that the global human centre-of-gravity rests in Asia. The “Third World” is the “Majority World.”

Taking population density into account, we get a more accurate picture of human population distribution in relation to total available land in every country or continent. This parameter will indicate that Asian and African countries are “people rich” while North America and Australia are “land rich.” Very often, the perceived “population explosion” in Asian and African countries is about the high population density – or crowding – in these lands. Many European or developed regions are as crowded as some Asian countries while some Asian countries that have large populations have lower population densities. For example, the United Kingdom is more crowded than China; Germany is more densely populated than Pakistan!

Population Control Movement and its Claims
There are several common reasons given in support of population control operations. These will be evaluated in the light of recent findings on the state of the world’s resources, environment and on the real nature of “family planning” implemented in various developing countries. The following subsections explore common reasons that answer the question, “Why should we control population?”

1. Will Population Growth Lead to Collapse of Human Welfare?
An early warning about uncontrolled global population growth came from Rev. Thomas Robert Malthus, the English political economist who wrote an “Essay on the Principle of Population” in 1798. The central thesis of this essay is that “population, when unchecked, increases in a geometrical ratio; and subsistence for man, in an arithmetical ratio.” He argues that unless population growth is checked, humankind would soon face starvation. His views received wide acceptance especially among the upper classes of society because these “tended to relieve the rich and powerful of responsibility for the condition of the working classes, by showing that the latter had chiefly themselves to blame ...” (John Kells Ingram, A History of Political Economy, (New York: Macmillan, 1894), 121.) A direct consequence of Malthusian views was a decreased interest shown by rulers to for uplifting the poor. The rulers of nineteenth century believed that “increased comfort would lead to an increase in numbers.” Thus, poverty was considered to be restraining mechanism that would curb the tendency of the poor to multiply.

Before Malthus, the Rev. Otto Diederich Lutken, in 1758, sought to dispel the idea that the prosperity of a state depended on its increasing population. (It was Frederick the Great (1712-1786), a Prussian monarch, who said that “the number of the population constitutes the wealth of the State.” Catholic Encylcopedia (1911), s. v. “Theories of Population,” by John A. Ryan.) Lutken wrote, “Since the circumference of the globe is given and does not expand with the increased number of its inhabitants, ... since the earth’s fertility cannot be extended beyond a given point, and since human nature will presumably remain unchanged, so that a given number will hereafter require the same quantity of the fruits of the earth for their support as now, and as their rations cannot be arbitrarily reduced, it follows that ... they must needs starve one another out ...” (Arild Saether, “Otto Diederich Lutken—40 years before Malthus?” Population Studies 47/3 (1993), 511.)

Paul Ehlrich’s Population Bomb popularised Malthusian fears and predicted that the world would witness large scale starvation deaths in the 1970s. Ehlrich favoured coercive measures to control the “cancer” of human multiplication. Environmental agencies carry forward the Malthusian hypothesis with great zeal. An ardent supporter of Malthusian predictions once exclaimed, “If you are not hysterical, that just shows that you do not understand the problem.” (William P. Andrews, “Facing the Malthusian Threat: Some Implications of the World Population Explosion,” Mankind Quarterly, 33/1 (Fall 1992), 121 )

The US Government organised an exhibition in the 1970s for school children in various parts of the country. It sought to spread this message: “There are too many people in the world. We are running out of space. We are running out of energy. We are running out of food. And, although too few people seem to realize it, we are running out of time.” ( Jacqueline Kasun, The War Against Population (San Francisco: Ignatius, 1988), 21.)

The World Watch State of the World report of 1998 expressed fears that the world is on the threshold of a large scale shortage of grain. (Lester R. Brown, “Struggling to Raise Cropland Productivity,” in State of the World 1998 ed. Linda Starke (New York/London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1998), passim.) It claims that the world grain productivity slowed down in the 1990s; a bleak picture of scarcity is portrayed in the report. Brown calls for major investments in agriculture as well as in population control.

Closely related to the worry about shortage of food is the worry about running short of resources such as forests, energy, mineral resources, and water. Rev. Lutken had mentioned this in his writing on the adverse effects of a growing population—the “other necessarily attendant inconveniences, to wit, a lack of the other comforts of life, wool, flax, timber, fuel, and so on.” Therefore, he concludes that “... the wise Creator who commanded men in the beginning to be fruitful and multiply, did not intend, since He set limits to their habitation and sustenance, that multiplication should continue without limit.” (Arild Saether, “Otto Diederich Lfitken—40 years before Malthus?” 511)

Over the past years there has been no dearth for doomsday predictions. The message that the world is going from bad to worse is so widespread and taken for granted in many quarters. The pertinent question is, how sure are we about our estimates of the carrying capacity of planet Earth? How true are these doomsday predictions?

Worldwatch Institute presents a gloomy picture of the world in its State of the World report: “While economic indicators ... are consistently positive, the key environmental indicators are increasingly negative. Forests are shrinking, water tables are falling, soils are eroding, wetlands are disappearing, fisheries are collapsing, range-lands are deteriorating, rivers are running dry, temperatures are rising, coral reefs are dying, and plant and animal species are disappearing.” (Lester R. Brown, “The Future of Growth,” in State of the World 1998).

Bjørn Lomborg, after careful research, points out that the doomsday predictions made by environmental agencies such as the Worldwatch Institute, Green Peace, and the World Wildlife Fund, and are then published by the popular media, lack integrity. (Bjørn Lomborg, The Skeptical Environmentalist: Measuring the Real State of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 12f.) Lomborg belongs to the school of Julian Simon who wrote extensively to expose various doomsday predictions related to human population growth. Contrary to the constant litany of doom, Simon’s main argument is that things are getting better for mankind: “My central proposition here is simply stated: Almost every trend that affects human welfare points in a positive direction, as long as we consider a reasonably long period of time and hence grasp the overall trend.” (Norman Myers and Julian L. Simon, Scarcity or Abundance? A Debate on the Environment, (New York/London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1990), 6 ).

Lomborg agrees with Simon: “... by far the majority of indicators show that mankind’s lot has vastly improved.” There are numerous indicators developed by the UN and the World Bank that can give us a fair idea about the state of a nation or the world (the Human Development Indicators of the UN and the World Development Indicators of the World Bank.) Before we look at any of these indicators, it is important to understand the nature of population “explosion” in the twentieth century.

The sudden increase in world population in the twentieth century is primarily due to advances in medical care that brought down infant mortality and increased human life-expectancy. (Myers and Simon, Scarcity or Abundance? 6-7 ) Contrary to what is popularly believed, “the increase is not, on the other hand, due to people in developing countries having more and more children.” (Lomborg, Skeptical Environmentalist, 45-46). Lomborg cites a UN consultant Peter Adamson’s memorable words, “It’s not that people suddenly started breeding like rabbits; it’s just that they stopped dying like flies.”

This, then, is not a problem but an achievement. Simon observes that while it took thousands of years for human life expectancy in the developed world to increase from twenty years to the high twenties, it took just two centuries for them to increase it to seventy-five years. Most of this increase took place in the twentieth century and Simon considers this as the “greatest human achievement in history”

In the developing world, in the beginning of twentieth century, average life expectancy was below 30 years. Life expectancy has risen so rapidly in these countries that it is projected to cross the 70 year mark by 2020.

However, the good new of increased life-expectancy has become bad news for those who are interested only in the relative populations of Whites and Blacks, or, for that matter, the relative populations of the developed world and of the still-developing world. The issue then is not that there are too many people but that there are too many of them. This too is a pointer to a deeper spiritual disease that underlies modern anti-natalist claims.

An important human welfare parameter that contributed to the rise in life expectancy is infant mortality. In the developed world, the percentage of infants that did not survive fell from six percent in 1950 to less than one percent in 2000. Although developing countries have an infant mortality of six percent currently, it continues to fall and is expected to halve by 2020. Thus, the “scary” population explosion in the Majority World is a direct result of the advances these societies achieved in terms of primary health care.

Malthus and his supporters were wrong in assuming that food production would not keep in step with human multiplication. If resources were finite, and if there was no possibility for increasing a resource base, then the doomsday predictions of Malthus and his supporters would have come to pass. The resource base, however, kept increasing with increasing population. Babies came – with hands to work and minds to innovate – not just with mouths to consume resources. Ehlrich’s warning that “the chances of successfully feeding and otherwise caring for an expanding population are being continuously diminished” does not stand up to facts.

An FAO study had this to report about global food production/consumption:

“How has agriculture responded to these increases in world population? ... Production grew faster than population. Per caput production is today about 18 percent above that of 30 years ago. Food availabilities for the world as a whole are today equivalent to some 2700 kilocalories per person per day ... up from 2300 calories 30 years ago. And this is counting only food consumed directly by human beings. In addition, some 640 million tonnes of cereals are fed to animals for producing the livestock products which people consume.”

Not only are we living longer; we are better fed now than was a smaller global population several decades ago. For instance, take the World Food Summit findings about the number of people who are starving today in the world. (A person is said to starve if his/her daily food intake is not sufficient to sustain light physical activity.) The percentage of starving people in 93 developing countries has decreased from 35% in 1970 to 18% in 1996, and will drop to 12% in 2010. Even though things can and ought to get better, the trend shows that things are getting better. This improvement has occurred in spite of the doubling of the world population during this period. Julian Simon is jubilant about this development:

In the early nineteenth century the planet Earth could sustain only 1 billion people. Ten thousand years ago, only 4 million could keep themselves alive. Now, 5 billion people are living longer and more healthier than ever before. This increase in the world’s population represents our triumph over death. I would expect lovers of humanity to jump with joy at this triumph of human mind and organization over the raw forces of nature. But many people lament that there are so many humans alive to enjoy the gift of life.

Simon’s observation is on the mark. Among those who complain or worry about rising population, few complain about their own arrival on earth; neither do they think of making an early exit to light Earth’s burden. Instead, they moan about the gift of life that God has bestowed on each new child!

The costs of minerals and other raw materials indicate that we are not running short of these resources. Although economists had shown beyond all doubt that we are not running out of fuel, minerals or food, environmentalists’ claims to the contrary led Julian Simon to challenge such claims with a bet. Simon wanted his opponents to choose the resources of their choice and observe prices for a period of ten years. If any of the prices showed an increase, Simon was willing to pay $10,000. Although his opponents, all environmentalists from Stanford University, desired to win easy money, they lost the bet. All the resources that they had chosen – chromium, copper, nickel, tin and tungsten – and others that they left our such as petroleum, wool, cotton, minerals and food became cheaper. Moffett comments that the improved methods of detecting mineral reserve ensured that mineral reserves increased despite ever increasing demand for these resources. He cites UN statistics to show how known copper reserves grew from 91 million tons in 1950 to 555 million tons in early 1980s. So successful were Simon’s arguments that, Moffett notes, the supporters of Malthus are now guarded in their use of the word “crisis” while referring to the effects of population growth!

Price of a commodity is an indicator of its scarcity or availability. The assumptions of doomsday predicators are proving to be false. The World Bank’s World Development Report 1984 too did not find resources to be at risk as a result of rising population.
 

This page is updated on Oct 24, 2009

 
 
 


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